AMs 526-29_1 (Large)


Abraham Lincoln, president of the United States of America, To William Kellogg of Illinois, Greeting: reposing Special trust and confidence in your Integrity, Prudence, and Ability, I have nominated, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, do appoint you to be Minister Resident of the United States of America, to Guatemala; authorizing you, hereby, to do and perform all such matters and things as to the said place or Office doth appertain, or as may be duly given you in charge hereafter, and the said office to hold and exercise during the pleasure of the President of the United States for the time being.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed.

Given under my hand at the City of Washington, the Twenty-first day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four and of the independence of the United States of America the Eighty-eighth.

By the President Abraham Lincoln

William H. Seward Secretary of State


Citation: Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), Appointment of William Kellogg. Washington, D.C., 21 April 1864. AMs 526/29.1


Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard was a Louisiana-born general of the Confederate States Army. He had graduated second in his class from West Point in 1838 and was an admirer of Napoleon. He achieved fame early in the Civil War for commanding the Fort Sumter bombardment and as the victor of the first battle of Manassas. He later served in the Western Theater (including Shiloh and Corinth), Charleston, and the defense of Richmond, but his career was hampered by friction with Jefferson Davis and other generals.


This is one of approximately 1000 military telegrams in the Rosenbach’s collection of papers from P.G.T. Beauregard.

AMs 1168-11 1864-10-21



Dated Selma Oct 21 1864

To G W Brent AAG

Beauregard’s HdQrs Jacksonville

Advise Capt B J Semmes that two trains will leave here on the 22nd with twelve hundred sacks of flour thirty thousand pounds hard bread Sixty five thousand pounds of bacon + fifty sack salt for him at Blue Mountain

F. Mollay

Maj & C. S.


Citation: F. Mollay, telegram to G. T. Beauregard. Selma, Ala.; 21 October 1864. AMs 1168/11


Abraham Lincoln was well known for his generosity in granting clemency and pardons to both Union and Confederate soldiers. He seems to have been truly sympathetic to their plight, but his mercy also had strategic aims. He was generous with pardons for Confederates in an attempt to regain their loyalty and trust; a strategy that would later be evident in his plans for Reconstruction.

AMs 353-14_2


Let this man take the oath of Dec 8 and be discharged.

A. Lincoln

April 20, 1864


Citation: Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), autograph document signed. Washington, D.C.:  20 April 1864. AMs 353/14.


The Baltimore Address, given at the Baltimore Sanitary Fair, was one of the few speeches Lincoln gave as President. The fair was a fund-raiser for the U.S. Sanitary Commission, which coordinated millions of women’s efforts to provide aid to the troops. This manuscript would itself be sold to raise money at the Philadelphia Sanitary Fair a few months later.

AMs 805-9_1 AMs 805-9_3 AMs 805-9_5


Ladies and Gentlemen—Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore, we can not fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these many people, assembled here, to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of the Union, it occurs at once that three years ago, the same soldiers could not so much as pass through Baltimore. The change from then till now, is both great, and gratifying. Blessings on the brave men who have wrought the change, and the fair women who strive to reward them for it.

But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within Baltimore. The change within Baltimore is part only of a far wider change. When the war began, three years ago, neither party, nor any man, expected it would last till now. Each looked for the end, in some way, long ere to-day. Neither did any anticipate that domestic slavery would be much affected by the war. But here we are; the war has not ended, and slavery has been much affected—how much needs not now to be recounted. So true is it that man proposes, and God disposes.

But we can see the past, though we may not claim to have directed it; and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident for the future.

The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare for liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean the same thing. With some the word liberty may mean for each man to do as he pleases with himself, and the product of his labor; while with others the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product of other men’s labor. Here are two, not only different, but incompatable things, called by the same name—liberty. And it follows that each of the things is, by the respective parties, called by two different and incompatable names—liberty and tyranny.

The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep’s throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd as a liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the same act as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep was a black one. Plainly the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of the word liberty; and precisely the same difference prevails to-day among us human creatures, even in the North, and all professing to love liberty. Hence we behold the processes by which thousands are daily passing from under the yoke of bondage, hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed by others as the destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, the people of Maryland have been doing something to define liberty; and thanks to them that, in what they have done, the wolf’s dictionary, has been repudiated.

It is not very becoming for one in my position to make speeches at great length; but there is another subject upon which I feel that I ought to say a word. A painful rumor, true I fear, has reached us of the massacre, by the rebel forces, at Fort Pillow, in the West end of Tennessee, on the Mississippi river, of some three hundred colored soldiers and white officers, who had just been overpowered by their assailants. There seems to be some anxiety in the public mind whether the government is doing it’s duty to the colored soldier, and to the service, at this point. At the beginning of the war, and for some time, the use of colored troops was not contemplated; and how the change of purpose was wrought, I will not now take time to explain. Upon a clear conviction of duty I resolved to turn that element of strength to account; and I am responsible for it to the American people, to the christian world, to history, and on my final account to God. Having determined to use the negro as a soldier, there is no way but to give him all the protection given to any other soldier. The difficulty is not in stating the principle, but in practically applying it. It is a mistake to suppose the government is indiffe[re]nt to this matter, or is not doing the best it can in regard to it. We do not to-day know that a colored soldier, or white officer commanding colored soldiers, has been massacred by the rebels when made a prisoner. We fear it, believe it, I may say, but we do not know it. To take the life of one of their prisoners, on the assumption that they murder ours, when it is short of certainty that they do murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel a mistake. We are having the Fort-Pillow affair thoroughly investigated; and such investigation will probably show conclusively how the truth is. If, after all that has been said, it shall turn out that there has been no massacre at Fort-Pillow, it will be almost safe to say there has been none, and will be none elsewhere. If there has been the massacre of three hundred there, or even the tenth part of three hundred, it will be conclusively proved; and being so proved, the retribution shall as surely come. It will be matter of grave consideration in what exact course to apply the retribution; but in the supposed case, it must come.


Abraham Lincoln, Baltimore address: holograph manuscript. [not after 18 Apr. 1864]. AMs 805/9


John Riddle Warner was the grandfather of the poet Marianne Moore and during the Civil War he lived in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. George Eyster was his brother-in-law and lived in Chambersburg, where he served as Provost Marshal for the 16th district of Pennsylvania from April 1863 to June 1865. These letters are preserved as part of Marianne Moore’s family papers.

Moore VI-6-4 p1 letter to John from GE 4-17-64 300 dpi Moore VI-6-4 p2 letter to John from GE 4-17-64 300 dpi


Sunday evening

Dear John,

I have spoken to Mary a number of times about the fact that she should write to you. Last week was Court and I was busy. Finding that she had not written, I concluded to write you a line to-day.

And first as to the baby: She is very contented and very well. She grows daily more beautiful and more interesting. All the fear I have for her is that her Aunt may spoil her by too much indulgence. Mary’s (my wife) tendency is towards indulgence and especially with this child. But she is conscientious and will try to do her duty I know.

I am anxious to hear about what success you are meeting with in New England. I love that section of the Country. It seems to me that there is the highest civilization and culture. There certainly have the people been truest to the principles of liberty and equality. O, the miserable men hereabouts, who prate of the rights of slaveholders and the freedom of speech. May they be confounded! There is a freedom of speech which leads to the most abject form of despotism. Our mutual friend disgraced himself this week in Court and did more to lower  that tribunal in the eyes of the multitude than any thousand previous indiscretions in bench or bar. He appealed to jurors to acquit a murderer, because his victim had been a black man. He asked them to acquit a man who had conducted the rebels to the store of another whom they robbed and whose right eye the villain struck out because [the other?] told him the truth – said he was a traitor and ought to be hung; this too in the face of the law that no ends justify an assault. I knew not.

If not to civil war at home, I know not whither we are tending. God preserve and defend the right!

John go on and deliver that “abolition” address. Give the disloyalists a shot whenever you can.

We succeeded after a hard, three days fight in convicting the Pittsburg Lieutenant of Manslaughter.

Very [illeg.]

Geo Eyster

Citation: George Eyster, autograph letter signed to John Riddle Warner. Harrisburg, Pa.; 17 April 1864. Moore VI:05:21


henry warner

Henry Warner Jr. was the younger brother of John Riddle Warner, the grandfather of the poet Marianne Moore.  Henry served in  Independent Battery G from August 1862 until June 1865.

Citation: Unidentified photographer, photograph of Henry Warner. ca. 1864. Moore XII:01:18b.


henry warner

Henry Warner Jr. was the younger brother of John Riddle Warner, the grandfather of the poet Marianne Moore.  Henry served in  Independent Battery G from August 1862 until June 1865.

Citation: Charles Cohill, photograph of Henry Warner Jr. Philadelphia, ca. 1864. Moore XII:01:18d.



This photograph of an unknown woman comes from an album labeled “Mary Reed Grubb Book 1866.”


Citation: Carte de visite of unidentified sitter. In album belonging to Mary Reed Grubb. mid-1860s. 2006.4590


 20064590-9 This photograph of an unknown woman comes from an album labeled “Mary Reed Grubb Book 1866.”


Citation: Carte de visite of unidentified sitter. In album belonging to Mary Reed Grubb. mid-1860s. 2006.4590


This form certifies receipt of payment for government bonds to be issued according to an act of 17 February 1864.

AMS 1297-18 p3 Confederate Treasurer's Office Certificates of P  

Citation: Confederate States of America. Assistant Treasurer’s Office.Certificate of payment, 1864. AMs 1297/18